Hasta La Victoria Siempre - but must the Cubans fight forever for victory?

Written by Kate Weir
Thursday, 13 March 2008 23:50

The Issue - South America

On 24th February, Fidel Castro stepped down as Cuba's president after 49 years in power, handing over the position to his relatively younger brother. 76-year-old Raul has long been his second in command since they stormed the Moncada barracks in order to topple the Batista regime during the 26th of July movement.

He was there with Fidel and Ernesto Che Guevara on the Granma as they invaded Cuba and has maintained an important military and political position. Immediately after Fidel's televised collapse in June 2001, the crowd began chanting 'Viva Raul', perhaps suggesting the importance of an immediate heir to sustain the Communist government. Fidel has five sons, but in a socialist regime ideology is more respected than lineage.

As a staunch defender of the system Raul's belief overtakes his familial ties, much like many other prominent Cuban politicians who remain from the regime change.

New blood has appeared in candidates such as Carlos Lage Davila, but Raul Castro appears to be running the show. Whether change amounts to total regime rearrangement or simply a tightening of the existing rules, the Cuban people are, as ever, caught between the rock and a hard-place of gallant American ‘liberators’ and the situation they know.

Raul has been accused of being overly militaristic, with a purer fundamentalist ideology than his brother. In 2005, he mobilized troops and increased the military capacity in readiness for the American take-over.

Raul is staunchly outspoken in his hatred of American arrogance and pledges Cuba's co-operation in clear terms, stating that transition “would have to be on the basis of the most unrestricted respect for our condition as a country that does not tolerate shadows on its independence....possible only when the United States decides to negotiate with seriousness and is willing to treat us with a spirit of equality, reciprocity and the fullest mutual respect”. Such statements suggest an uncompromising bravado that has made Cuba the ferociously heroic 'David' to America's 'Goliath'.

Raul's anger is understandable. Cuba has always been a subject of great embarrassment for US politicians; an island with a so-called 'tin-pot' dictator has outlasted a 40 year long trade embargo, 638 assassination attempts (some, such as the exploding cigar and exploding mollusks, surely ripped off from Wile. E. Coyote) and has prompted a very real nuclear panic.

With recent developments, America has already considered ways of incorporating Cuba into their future. Barack Obama has stated that he will create an open dialogue with Cuba, creating easier routes for exiles to visit home and allowing them to send more than the current $1,200 to their families a year, and George Bush has said he is ready to help the “people of Cuba realise the blessings of liberty”, a statement that takes on a dramatic gravitas in light of the current state of Iraq. Caleb McCarry, the ominously titled 'Cuba Transition Coordinator' has been given a budget of $59 million to instigate the 'transition', a hefty sum which shows how serious American's are about the Cubans complying.

Of course there are the many Cuban exiles to consider, one of whom is Alina Fernandez, Fidel Castro's own daughter (who runs a radio show in Miami). The Stalinist 'banishment' of defectors is one of the questionable aspects of the regime, showing a viciously hard line from Cuba's side, but is one of America's strongest trump cards and bargaining tools.

Speaking at his inauguration, McCarry stated that “it is the responsibility of the civilized world to act to see that the Cuban family is reunited under political and economic freedom”.Cubans already assimilated into the capitalist culture will benefit from an open and democratic Cuba, but the disenfranchised natives, the so-called friends of America are the ones who could suffer in the long term.

On a domestic level, a new leader could mean a brighter future for Cuba. On a visit in 2001, the Cubans I talked to about the government said that they wanted to modernize, to be able to earn more money and live like the Westerners on TV (Cubans aren't allowed to travel, which makes them especially welcoming to and intrigued by foreigners).

With the Granma invasion several generations ago, there sometimes seems to be an ambivalence from the younger generation towards the spirit of 'revolucion', most of whom know little about their supposed nemesis and are seduced by the images on American television.

Although Cuba relies on a grass-roots classless economy, the military classes are privileged and have exerted control since the collapse of the Soviet Union. The military now control the 'Gaviota' tourism group in Cuba, a venture encompassing almost all hotels, hire car companies and tour groups. Their website proudly announces that “It is a professional and complete offer, in the privileged and safe environment for which Cuba stands, along with its merry, hospitable people”.

Although 'merry' may be disputable, the military-run tourism system makes Cuba safe for even lone women travellers, but at a cost to the locals. Tourism is a heavily protected main influx of income; crimes against tourists are heavily punished with hefty fines and jail sentences (and Cuban jails are typically squalid).

In comparison, crimes against natives are given less attention. Police presence was ubiquitous and officials worked hard to keep the tourists in their comfort zone. My guide was not allowed into the hotel to pick us up and appeared particularly uneasy when we discussed politics, occasionally clamming up as officials walked by. He worked as a carriage driver (an enviable career considering they earn more than the $18 a month which doctors and M.Ds make) and taught himself and others English in the little spare time he had. (Eager for new material, he asked to take my 'Cosmopolitan' magazine.)

Traits of a struggling society were visible in the hotels and restaurants where menus were sparse (and on one particularly nasty occasion the food was infested with weevils) and the power would flicker on and off intermittently. There was also a strong sense of community, a refreshing lack of diamond shops and cruise ships, evidence of the sterling health and education system and a prevalent patriotism and pride in the country. Perhaps largely due to their struggle, the Cubans are proud of their achievements and, having survived for so long, the will to keep the moral high ground has kept them notably quiet about the potential for transition.

Witnessing the collapse of Communism in Eastern Europe, and its concurrent trade in cheap stag parties and migration of 'New European' workers struggling with the devalued economy, one can conclude that a transition, if and when it comes, would be a complex and lengthy process. There are rising concerns about the convertible peso bringing about a ‘tourism apartheid’, creating a schism between citizens with access to the dollar and the rural dwellers.

To give an example, whilst queuing at a local bank to convert £50 into 100 CUC (convertible pesos) a Cuban in front of us told us he was converting his weeks pay of 5CUC into pesos (143 Pesos); the dual currency allows Cubans to live on a cheaper scale as peso prices are rightly unavailable to tourists. Sometimes it is easy to forget that Cuba is an island nation, because Havana and Varadero bear more resemblance to bustling European cities and resorts.

Tourism has rebuilt Cuba's struggling economy and lifted them out of the devastating Special Period and plays a key role in Cuba's future. In order to encourage the tourist trade, restrictive entrance procedures have had to be relaxed and Cubans have been exposed to more outside influences.

Many countries in Central America have used eco-tourism as a way of re-building the economy, but paradoxically, part of Cuba's attraction is its dilapidated charm, and the many writers, artists and revolutionaries who have endorsed its romantic credentials over the years. If, as in Nicaragua, the country opens up to capitalism, there will be an influx of investors looking to buy cheap land and Cuba could become a homogenous resort island.

Of course, as Pedro Juan Guitierrez states in his book 'Dirty Havana', “poverty looks much better from the outside” and it is first and foremost the wishes of the Cuban people that should be taken into consideration.

With America acting somewhat like a petulant child whilst touting their civil liberties like used car salesmen, and Raul Castro citing “the spectre of international interference” whilst laying down strict laws to enforce a controversial ideology, it seems that Cuba's future remains at loggerheads between two mismatched rivals.

At the tensest point in the revolution, Che Guevara attempted to introduce a steel industry alongside Cuba's sugar trade, to fast-track financial independence from the Soviets. Long after the realisation that this was unsustainable, Cuba seems comfortable in the knowledge that they must rely on tourists and outside trade to avoid economic disaster. This seems to be the most positive way to bring about an open dialogue on democracy and to reach the dignified compromise that Raul Castro is willing to consider.